Why ÖVP, SPÖ and Neos rejected the purchase of the Ibiza video

Is he a glorious whistleblower who, in Walraff style, convicted FPÖ leader Strache of corruption on Ibiza, or a self-promoter who had a difficult childhood, worked in the surveillance business, slipped into the drug scene, stumbled into the Ibiza affair and is now staging himself as a champion for the preservation of democracy?

Now the main maker of the Ibiza video, Julian Hessenthaler, has written a book describing his view of the memorable evening on the Balearic island that turned Austria’s recent history on its head. To start with, there is no groundbreaking news in it. Hessenthaler is completely silent about the identity of the oligarch’s niece – allegedly a woman from Latvia.

Idea came in an “alcohol-soaked night”

The idea, as he himself admits, came about on an “alcohol-soaked night” in a downtown Viennese bar with lawyer Ramin Mirfakhari, who was supposed to finance everything, and Strache’s former bodyguard and chauffeur Oliver Ribarich, who felt he had been mistreated and let down by his boss. Ribarich, Strache’s closest confidant for years, had not only helped organize the FPÖ leader’s lavish lifestyle (including the procurement of weapons), but had also been aware of several dubious financial transactions. The “door opener” to the party leader was former club chairman Johann Gudenus, who was looking for a buyer for his property. The trio was inspired by the decoy video that had sealed the political end of former Interior Minister Ernst Strasser.

Hessenthaler reveals the countless mishaps during the video recordings. The idea to buy the Kronenzeitung came out of the blue during a preliminary conversation with Gudenus. Drugs were not involved on the evening in Ibiza, which was postponed by 24 hours.

Two years delay

The fact that the video was released two years late was due to the difficulties in finding a financially strong buyer – apparently in the single-digit million range. Both the SPÖ and the ÖVP, the Neos, Hans-Peter Haselsteiner’s circle and the “Falter” were turned down even before filming began. The video was simply too expensive for the parties. Hessenthaler and the lawyer assumed that Strache’s bodyguard would be in fear of losing his livelihood, which is why, as the book says, the video should be sold at a high price. Finally, they approached the Süddeutsche Zeitung, which was very concerned about the much stricter publishing regulations in Germany. Instead, the voices were to be dubbed. No money was paid.

It has long been known that Hessenthaler tried to contact the office of Federal President Alexander Van der Bellen a few days before the release date to ensure personal security – but to no avail. Jan Böhmermann was able to make some hints at Romy weeks earlier because the political comedy show “ZDF Royale” was also offered the video.